Women in Technology Fields

Introduction As society evolves to become more dependent on science and technology for growth and development, the occupational segregation of women in the sciences relative to men, not only in terms of absolute numbers but also in terms of visibility in the upper echelons of the professions, represents a misuse of scarce human capital and continues to alarm academics, policy makers and mainstream commentators (Hatchell Aveling, 2008).Advertising We will write a custom dissertation sample on Women in Technology Fields specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More That’s good writing. As observed by a number of scholars (e.g., Huffman et al, 2010; Benson Yukongdi, 2005), it is indeed true that the gendered segregation of jobs and occupations in these critical sectors of the economy is a persistent characteristic in many labour markets globally, and is the proximate foundation of many forms of gender inequality. An extensive and well es tablished literature documents the destructive outcomes of gendered occupational segregation in science and technology fields (Deem, 2007), which include lower wages, expansive income disparities, fewer promotions, and less significant wage increases (Schweitzer et al, 2011). The worrying trend being replicated in nearly all economies worldwide is that although more women are being absorbed in the fields of science and technology than ever before, they persist to be considerably outnumbered by their male counterparts (Jones, 2010; Bhatia Amati, 2010). It is the purpose of the present study to perform a critical analysis of why women continue to be underrepresented in the telecommunication industry in Europe and Middle East. Very good start! Towards the realization of this broad objective, this section sets out to review and analyze extant literature on women’s occupational segregation in technology fields, with specific focus on the telecommunication sector in Europe and Mid dle East. The section will, among other things, analyze existing literature on women in engineering and technology fields, the dynamics of occupational segregation of women in these sectors, barriers to gendered occupation equality, and issues that need to be addressed to encourage and retain women in technology fields.Advertising Looking for dissertation on gender studies? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More It is imperative to note that due to paucity of literature on women occupational segregation in the telecommunication sector, the analysis of critical literature will assume a broader scope to encompass segregation of women in technology fields based on the rationale that the telecommunication sector is technology-oriented. Women in Technology Fields Hersh (2000) cited in Kusk et al (2007) observed that although there have been marked increases in the number of women taking up technology-oriented occupations over the last two decades, women still remain a minority in these fields in nearly all countries across the world. Indeed, according to Gillard et al (2008), as many Western technology-oriented organizations endeavour â€Å"†¦to recognize and validate difference through diversity policies, they in fact leave the power mechanisms of conformity unchallenged and intact, individualize the inequities, bypass tensions of coexistence, and actually reinforce and homogenize difference† (p. 266). In particular, these authors note that although the telecommunication and information communication technology (ICT) workforce forms fairly new professional sectors, women persistently occupy a minority of positions and gender segregation that has been well documented in many other occupations is being simulated in the telecommunication/ICT industries. Available literature demonstrate that women in telecommunication/ICT industries tend to be concentrated in particular occupational spheres, which are norma lly the lower skilled information technology (IT) jobs related to data entry, implying that women in these critical sectors of the economy comprise a marginal percentage of managerial, design, and software development personnel (Gillard et al, 2008). Yet, according to Bystydzienski (2004), as increasing numbers of women get absorbed into the telecommunication/ICT professions, not only are they faced with a slump in salaries, status, and working conditions but they also have to contend with the domain of masculinity that is well entrenched in these sectors. In other words, men still dictate access to, and advancement in, paid employment in telecommunication/ICT fields (Benson Yukongdi, 2005; Hafkin Huyer, 2007).Advertising We will write a custom dissertation sample on Women in Technology Fields specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Trends in various countries and regions Trends in the United States According to a report released by t he U.S. Department of Labour (2005) cited in Oswald (2008), women currently make up approximately 50% of the total workforce, but they continue to be segregated in many occupations, particularly in engineering and technology-oriented occupations. This gendered occupational segregation, it seems, has its roots in the educational achievements of women. A report completed in 2007 by the National Science Foundation also cited in Oswald (2008) revealed that â€Å"†¦women earned only 29% of the bachelor’s degrees in math and computer science, 21% of the degrees in engineering, and 42% of the bachelor’s degrees in physical science† (p. 196). These disciplines form the foundation for a career trajectory in the telecommunication field. Available literature demonstrates that leading women engineers and ICT experts in the United Sates are regularly burdened with concerns about not being taken seriously, perceived non-performance, exclusionary social dynamics, reliance on hostile workmates or seniors, and excessive pressure to imitate the male paradigm of doing science (Etzkowitz et al, 2010). Such experiences, according to these authors, not only obstruct interpersonal relationships but frustrate the women’s capacity to reach their full potential, no matter how able or talented they are. A survey conducted by the U.S. Bureau of Labour cited in Coder et al (2009) indicates that while women made up an estimated 43% of the information technology (IT) workforce in 1983, the percentage dropped to a paltry 26 % in 2008 in spite of the fact that the total IT workforce had more than doubled for the indicated period. Trends in United Kingdom Sappleton Takrui-Rick (2008) posit that â€Å"†¦despite 30 years of equality legislation, women in science, engineering and technology in the U.K. remain severely underrepresented† (p. 284). Indeed, the U.K. has one of the highest levels of gendered occupation segregation in the European Union, pa rticularly in science, engineering and technology domains. Available statistics contained in a report by the Engineering Council UK (2004) cited in Sappleton Takrui-Rick (2008) â€Å"†¦suggest that only 8% of those employed in engineering work and 15% of those employed in information, communication, and technology (ICT) work in the U.K. are female† (p. 285).Advertising Looking for dissertation on gender studies? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Current trends, however, demonstrate that organizations are increasingly realizing the intrinsic benefit of encouraging and retaining women in these fields though tangible results are yet to be achieved (Bhatia Amati, 2010). The limited success of intervention strategies aimed at achieving equal gender representation in these fields, according to Sappleton Takrui-Rick (2008), can be partially accredited to the fact that, after â€Å"getting in,† certain influences obstruct women in the U.K. from â€Å"staying on† and â€Å"getting on† in the sectors in parity with their male counterparts. In a recently concluded case study on network engineer training programs in Britain running the Cisco Certified Network Associate (CCNA) module, it was demonstrated that career openings commensurate with their skills were substantially restricted for women employees in general, but particularly so for women single parents (Gillard et al, 2008). A study conductad by Franzway(2 009), found that a large number of men are attracted to technical training programmes and courses. A study conducted by Hafkin Taggart (2001) cited in Gillard et al (2007) found that employers in the UK were reluctant to recruit women CCNA programmers and instructors ostensibly because women are poorly qualified and lack fundamental work experience. Indeed, according to Gillard et al (2008), the â€Å"†¦employers frequently maintained that not only were the supposed physical and computational demands of the job too exacting but that it was too risky to permit inexperienced personnel to tinker with the vital network infrastructure† (p. 272). Preferring to recruit men, this unconcealed stereotyped discrimination in expertise recognition has also been experienced by female telecommunication engineers and network administrators in other parts of the world, with job advertisements for telecommunication/ICT professionals frequently specifying male job applicants (Gillard et a l, 2008; Hafkin Huyer, 2007). Extant literature (e.g., Bystydzienski, 2004; Benson Yukongdi, 2005; Bhatia Amati, 2010) demonstrate that once in formal employment in these technology-oriented sectors, however, women perform as well as, if not better than, their male counterparts. Trends in Middle East Although gendered occupation segregation is far more entrenched in the Middle East and other Arab-dominated regions than in other areas, this is mainly because, the Islamic religion is the main religion in the Middle East region. The Islamic religion, believes that women should concentrate more on their household responsibilities than technical careers. Bhatia Amati (2010) note that it becomes hard to dissect the problem due to paucity of statistical data, particularly sex-segregated data on gender inequality in the Middle East. However, various rationales as to why the problem is so deeply entrenched in the Middle East have surfaced. Benson Yukongdi (2005) posit that owing to reli gious and socio-cultural barriers, many countries in the Middle East abide by a social convention in which women are widely expected to play a supporting role relative to men. According to Hafkin Huyer (2007) cultural prohibitions in many countries in the Middle East restrict women from undertaking any gainful employment outside the home. According to Benson Yukongdi (2005), men in the Middle East are traditionally placed in core occupations and departments, and this becomes the basis for gender divergences in recruitment, promotion, training, rewards and decision-making authority. Dynamics of Occupational Segregation in Technology Fields Available literature demonstrates that in spite of their talent, ability, and opportunity, women continue to be underrepresented in engineering and technology-oriented sectors of the economy (Schweitzer et al, 2011; Bhatia Amati, 2010). This notwithstanding, it is indeed true that unlike other historically male-dominated jobs that have registere d considerable gains in attaining gendered equality, many engineering and technology-oriented fields have remained noticeably unbalanced in terms of gender (Deem, 2007). Still, other studies (e.g., Kusk et al, 2007; Coder et al, 2009; Kotsilieri Marshall, 2004) have demonstrated that underrepresentation of women in engineering and technology-oriented sectors continue to widen as women engineers and technicians find themselves swimming against the tide of prejudice intrinsically reinforced by the social, cultural, psychological and economic realities of life. A study by Hatchel Aveling (2008) found that women telecommunication engineers are eight times more likely to be working part-time, while women working in ICT are six times more likely to be working part-time. This section aims to explore critical literature on the dynamics of occupational segregation in technology-oriented fields, with particular focus on telecommunication and ICT sectors. Consequently, literature on the pipe line theory, the social constructionist perspectives, meritocracy and its implications, and organizational policies and culture, will be evaluated with a view to understand why the problem of gendered occupational segregation in technology-oriented fields continue to persist despite the spirited attempts by governments and organizations across the world to curtail the inequality progression. The unsuccessful Pipeline Theory According to Schweitzer et al (2011), â€Å"†¦the pipeline theory suggests that increasing the number of women in male dominated fields should lead to more equality in the labour market†¦This presumes that women and men in the pipeline expect comparable career outcomes† (p. 422). Given institutional, organizational and countrywide efforts to get girls into engineering and technology-oriented disciplines in institutions of higher learning, it was expected that, with a large proportion of women entering the engineering and technology fields, they w ould obviously filter into the traditionally male-dominated upper levels of these critical sectors in large numbers (Hatchel Aveling, 2008; Franzway et al, 2009). Indeed, according to these authors, the metaphor of the â€Å"pipeline effect† was based on the assertion that gender imbalances noted in engineering and technology-oriented occupations would be successfully dealt with once women overcame their reluctance to enter these sectors and acquire the requisite qualifications. However, as has been demonstrated in a number of research articles concerned with assessing the reasons behind gender-based underrepresentation in the labour market, the movement of more women into the pipeline failed to correspond with the attainment of enviable trends for women careers, particularly when it comes to engineering and technology-oriented sectors of the economy (Schweitzer et al, 2011; Coder et al, 2009). Hatchel Aveling (2008) are of the opinion that the pipeline theory promised â₠¬Å"†¦false hope as the pipeline turned out to be very leaky indeed† (p. 357). This view is reinforced by a host of other scholars (e.g. Coder et al, 2009; Bhatia Amati, 2010), who suggest that women are yet to achieve comparable outcomes relative to men in these sectors even after sustained efforts from various quarters, including organizations and governments, to â€Å"feed† the women into the pipeline. Various scholars have attempted to dissect why the â€Å"pipeline effect† failed to deliver the intended outcomes, particularly in the attainment of comparable career outcomes for women in engineering and technology-oriented occupations. Hatchel Aveling (2008) maintain that the pipeline theory has several limitations that make it impossible for women to achieve comparable career outcomes. According to these authors, the theory â€Å"†¦posits a straightforward linear career progression that is quite restrictive and does not easily accommodate the more complex life-patterns of females† (p. 358). Women employees have unique needs and demands, which in most occasions act as barriers to successful gendered occupation equality not only in the science fields but also in other areas (Gillard et al, 2008). These barriers will be discussed at length in the succeeding sections of this review. Other scholars have observed that the pipeline theory fails to take into consideration the multiple layers of culture in its attempt to guarantee comparable career outcomes for women relative to men. To understand the dynamics of occupational segregation and institute a framework which will enable women to achieve comparable career outcomes, therefore, â€Å"†¦gender must always be seen in terms of its cultural context, in which the intersection of gender and culture is closely linked to the issue of power† (Hatchel Aveling, 2008 p. 358). Lastly, the pipeline theory fails to account for why women are leaving science, engineering an d technology-oriented organizations in large numbers relative to their male counterparts (Screuders et al, 2009), even after successful efforts made by various agencies to encourage more girls into science and technology at the school and even the undergraduate level (Hatchel Aveling, 2008). The Social Constructionist Viewpoints Various scholars have attempted to explain the occupation segregation of women in engineering and technology-oriented occupations using the social constructionist perspectives. Kotsilieri Marshall (2004) are of the opinion that the experiences and characteristics accredited to women, portrayed in academia and industry as contributing to their current occupational segregation in engineering and technology-oriented fields, are not timeless and universal but are socially, historically, psychologically, and politically located. To deduce that all women judge, think, or relate in distinctive and universal ways when making career choices, particularly in fields traditionally considered as male-dominated, inarguably denies the contextualise that frames behaviour (Benson Yukongdi, 2005). To better understand the social constructionist perspectives in general and, by extension, the contextuality that denies behaviour, it is important to explain the difference between sex and gender. Gillard et al (2008) explain that â€Å"†¦while sex reflects biological difference, gender – although often based on biological sex – is a social construction† (p. 264). This therefore implies that individuals are born and straight away categorized as female or male, but with time obtain a gendered identity, that is, what it implies to be feminine or masculine. These authors further posit that â€Å"†¦both gendered concepts are relational, that is, they are construed in relation to each other by defining what the female is not in relation to the Western masculine norm; this varies from one environment to another and shifts over tim e† (p. 264). According to Bhatia Amati (2010), one of the most elaborated features of the social constructionist perspective is the recognition that women and men are located divergently in society and that not all women or all men share similar experiences or challenges. In pursuing the social constructionist line of thought, Gillard et al (2008) observe that the gendering of work, technology and indeed many other facets of occupational life and orientation â€Å"†¦constitute individuals as different types of value-added labourers can be made visible by documenting cultural values, beliefs, and activities, which contribute toward identity formulations, roles and responsibilities, and personal aspirations and opportunities† (p. 265). Consequently, these authors underline a value preposition suggesting that the micro dimensions of our everyday existence, reinforced by community, organizational and institutional hegemonic philosophies and processes that maintains th e normalized status quo, provides the basis for gendered occupational segregation not only in technology-oriented fields but also in other areas. Meritocracy its Implications The concept of meritocracy came into the limelight in the late 1950s to denote a social system that prescribes to merit, talent and capabilities as the foundation for recruiting employees into positions and dispensing rewards (Castilla Bernard, 2010). To date, opinion still remains divided on whether meritocracy promotes gendered occupation equality or occupational segregation. As observed by these authors, â€Å"†¦advocates of meritocracy stress that in true meritocratic systems everyone has an equal chance to advance and obtain rewards based on their individual merits and efforts, regardless of their gender, race, class, or other non-merit factors† (p. 543). This implies that men and women in engineering and technology-oriented occupations have equal opportunities for advancement despite the exi stence of gendered imbalances and barriers that may act to hinder one group, particularly women, to advance in their careers. Indeed, meritocracy has been culturally accepted as a reasonable and justifiable distributive standard in many developed capitalist countries and organizations (Castilla Bernard, 2010). In her research, Deem (2007) noted that meritocracy is a universal value that is absolutely compatible with gendered occupation equality, ensuring that recruitment and promotion in the workplace is through open competition rather than through concession or networks of associates. Critics of meritocracy, however, argue that the concept has failed to deliver equal gender representation in a number of occupations, particularly in the sciences. In their research, Castilla Bernard (2010) came up with what they called the ‘paradox of meritocracy’ to refer to a situation where organizations that prescribe to meritocratic principles were found to demonstrate greater bia s in favour of men over equally competitive and performing women. Many modern technology organizations, though based on meritocracy in recruitment and promotions, are heavily bureaucratized. Gillard et al (2008) note that â€Å"†¦the bureaucratization of gender guidelines all too often tends to reinforce institutional influence and silences those whose voices rarely get aired in the development forums where decisions are made† (p. 266). Recent empirical studies as quoted in Castilla Bernard (2010) found that occupational segregation continues even with the adoption of merit-based recruitment and reward systems, affirmative action and other diversity-oriented policies and strategies. Indeed, according to these researchers, some organizational practices and procedures instituted to entrench the meritocratic paradigm in the organization have been found to negatively affect employees’ opportunities and professions, particularly those practices developed to diminish i nequalities for women and ethnic minorities. This assertion leads Bhatia Amati (2010) to conclude that some organizational policies and practices supposedly adopted to enhance meritocracy are only factored in for symbolic reasons and do not in any way achieve their stated objectives. For example, research has revealed that some organizational recruitment programs and reward practices intended to reflect the meritocratic paradigm act to increase gender and racial inequalities by virtue of the fact that they introduce bias into employee recruitment and compensation decisions (Baron Cobb-Clark, 2010). Deem (2007) noted at least two challenges with the conception of meritocracy in relation to gendered occupation inequality. First, the researcher argued that meritocracy hindered women’s recruitment and progress in key sectors of the economy due to the â€Å"†¦individualistic focus of meritocratic judgments that reward the successful and stigmatize the unsuccessful† ( p. 617). Meritocracy, it was argued, has the supremacy to transfer the responsibility for unequal recruitment and promotional results back onto the individual and consequently to stigmatize the unsuccessful applicants as unskilled or incapable. A second challenge with meritocracy, according to this particular researcher, is the insinuation that it applies culturally and value-neutral standards to the recruitment and promotion of workers. However, it is unfeasible to develop totally neutral standards or evaluations by virtue of the fact that cultural and social ideals do enter into the recruitment and promotion processes. Organizational Policies Culture Organizational policies and cultures, of different societies, act as facilitators of gender segregation. A number of studies (e.g., Gillard et al, 2008; Bhatia Amati, 2010) have attempted to offer a gender construction in which critical reflection is applied to how occupational segregation of women in science and technology fields, of which the telecommunication sector is an integral component, is woven in organizational, national and international policies, business practices and concerns, and public and private employment configurations. Many organizational policies and strategies orient themselves to the unfounded paradigm that women posses less levels of human capital relative to men (Benson Yukongdi, 2005). Some organizational perceptions practiced in many countries, particularly in the Middle East, makes it permissible for occupations to be allocated along gender lines, implying that women are left with little prospect to develop the necessary work experience that is fundamentally needed in many technology-oriented organizations. On the other hand, there was something in the news last week about men being not allowed to serve customers in women’s clothing shops. For example, men in the Middle East are traditionally placed in core occupations and departments, and this becomes the basis for gender divergences in recruitment, promotion, training, rewards and decision-making authority. In a similar fashion a broad range of organizational policies and practices serve to prevent women from entering technology-oriented occupations. Benson Yukongdi (2005) point out the challenge of statistical discrimination, where organizations not only in telecommunication/ICT sectors but also in other fields make decisions on recruitment, promotion and training â€Å"†¦based on generalized data rather than on the actual experiences of individuals† (p. 287). For instance, absenteeism data for all women in the firm would be utilized to evaluate the commitment of particular women applying for promotion while not taking into consideration other dynamics that are unique to women, such as maternity leave and family responsibilities. Such an orientation only serves to enhance gendered occupational segregation. In line with this, it is indeed true that many organizations either do not have a statistical database on women occupational segregation or fail to collect such data in a consistent and regular manner, making it almost impossible to address the challenge (Franzway et al, 2009). As underscored by Hafkin Huyer (2007), the paucity of statistical data on gendered occupational segregation in the telecommunication/ICT sectors makes it difficult, if not unfeasible, to develop a case for the inclusion of gender issues in telecommunication/ICT policies, plans, and strategies to employers and policymakers. Extant literature demonstrate that although there is a substantial increase in the number of women joining engineering and technology-oriented firms (Morganson et al, 2010), the gains are being watered down by misplaced organizational policies and governance issues, which ensure that women do not stay longer in these critical sectors of the economy (Huffman et al, 2010). As noted by Hatchel Aveling (2008), â€Å"†¦the issue is no longer one of attracting women into the sciences but rather one of keeping them there† (p. 359). Morganson et al (2010) observes that when women complete undergraduate training in technical disciplines, they persist to be underrepresented in these fields and are more likely to leave the labour force than are men. A number of researchers (e.g., Bhatia Amati, 2010; Bystydzienski, 2004; Franzway et al, 2009) have blamed the gendered dimensions of organizational culture for the high turnover of women in engineering and technology-oriented organizations, while others (e.g., Gillard et al, 2008; Hafkin Huyer, 2007) argue that structural, cultural, interactional, and identity arrangements, even though irreversibly associated, are important classifications in understanding why women’s occupational segregation in engineering and technology-oriented fields can be fundamentally attributed to the gender subtext of organizations. Barriers to Gendered Occupation Equality in Technology Fields Many studies have be en conducted over time to understand the reasons behind the current gendered occupational segregation of women in engineering and technology fields. Kusk et al (2007) is of the opinion that women’s success in engineering and technology-related fields is often contingent upon them adopting an overtly male career pattern, implying that male domination in these sectors is barrier to entry of more women. This view is consistent with Morganson et al (2010) observation that the technology environment is often typified as a chilly environment, â€Å"†¦which tends to be male-dominated, highly impersonal and individualistic† (p. 169). According to these authors, the lack of support in the traditional engineering and technology working environments may be particularly destructive to women given that a number of researchers and theorists have continuously emphasized the fundamental importance of personalized relationships and interpersonal associations to women’s psyc hological development and well-being. The education system continues to be blamed for the swelling underrepresentation of women in technology-oriented fields, such as the telecommunication sector. According to Bhatia Amati (2010), girls in institutions of higher learning observe that there are few women in science and technology fields and, consequently, make a conclusion that a career trajectory in these fields is more suitable for men than for women. Indeed. Faced with the knowledge of both the bleak and subtle obstacles that face women in the male-dominated science and technology fields, girls in colleges and universities opt out of the disciplines and orient themselves for other fields that guarantee better opportunities of educational and career success. This view has been reinforced by Benson Yukongdi (2005), who observe that â€Å"†¦education, and particularly higher levels of education, has been denied to many women as families and society place more emphasis on wome n’s role as mother and homemaker† (p. 287). As a direct consequence, few women ever make it to technology-oriented occupations because these fields traditionally require higher levels of education. Historically, the image of technology fields have been perceived under the lens of complexity, time-intensive, challenging tasks, and involving machinery, and, consequently, both women and men continue to perceive engineering and technology fields as masculine both in nature and association (Kusk et al, 2007). Gillard et al (2008) describe how employees in telecommunication/ICT fields, interacting across time and space, are constantly obliged to work long hours to accommodate divergent time zones and regularly operate in crisis mode with strict project deadlines while having to continually update the job skills in response to rapid shifts in technology. In addition to these occupational demands, â€Å"†¦the mobile nature of these types of occupations often works to wome n’s disadvantage as they experience difficulties when faced with long hours, expectations of overseas travel, and participation in informal social networks† (Gillard et al, 2008 p. 271). Benson Yukongdi (2005) observe that even in instances where women have similar levels of education to their male colleagues, childbirth and family responsibilities implies that, for many women, gaining the pertinent and equivalent work expertise needed in technology-oriented occupations is impossible. Academics and industry view the gender pay gap as a strong contributing factor toward continued gender segregation of labour in science, engineering and technology sectors. As observed by Blau Khan (2007), women telecommunication engineers continue to earn substantially less than men even when they are tasked with the same responsibilities. Many research articles (e.g., Blau Khan, 2007; Franzway et al, 2009) have digested a positive correlation between gendered pay gap on the one hand a nd prejudice and discrimination on the other. Baron Cobb-Clark (2010) suggest that the notion of prejudice and its negative ramifications are readily transferrable to women versus men, while Etzkowitz et al (2010) conceptualized discriminatory preferences of women in engineering and technology fields as arising from an active desire by engineering-oriented organizations to maintain social distance from women due to their perceived family responsibilities, which negatively affect their performance and productivity. To reinforce this view of normalized discrimination in the workplace, Hatchel Aveling (2008) observe that many technology-oriented organizations are more likely to hire males than women, not mentioning that males working for these organizations are more likely than females to be given credit for ideas, concepts or work completed. According to Etzkowitz et al (2010), women are expected to work twice as hard to prove that they are capable of becoming productive telecommuni cation engineers, systems analysts and ICT experts. There is compelling evidence that women continue to be discriminated against in science and technology-oriented occupations due to their low levels of experience relative to men (Franzway et al, 2009). As rightly pointed out by Blau Khan (2007), â€Å"†¦the qualification that has proven to be quite important is work experience because traditionally women moved in and out of the labour market based on family considerations† (p. 9). Experience and the accumulation of skills that are fundamental in science and technology fields go hand in hand. Consequently, available studies (e.g., Blau Khan, 2007; Franzway et al, 2009; Deem, 2007) have demonstrated that women may particularly avoid career trajectories obliging large investments in skills that are distinctive to a particular endeavour mainly because of the fact that the returns to such investments are reaped only as long as the employee remains with that employer. Indee d, many employers may exhibit reinforced reluctance to hire women for such occupations because the organization bears some of the costs of such sector-specific training, not mentioning that their fear is further compounded by the fact that they may not get a full return on that investment due to higher turnover of women telecommunication engineers (Jones, 2010; Bhatia Amati, 2010). The lack of benefits perceived to be unique to women has worked to the disadvantage of women in technology-oriented fields. Indeed, Gillard et al (2008) posit that the majority of newly created technology and telecommunication occupations in developed as well as developing countries are predominantly found in the private sector, but the absence â€Å"†¦of benefits available means that women are unlikely to pursue these types of employment, instead having to opt for public sector work that is more likely to offer childcare provision, flexible hours, and maternity leave† (p. 272). As some gover nments formulate policies aimed at passing legislation for these benefits, which are perceived to encourage more women into technology and telecommunication occupations, the full responsibility for availing them often falls into the hands of private sector employers who are then inclined to discriminate against offering job positions to women in a bid to circumvent the financial cost of affording these services and benefits (Gillard et al, 2008; Baron Cobb-Clark, 2010; Franzway et al, 2009; Deem, 2007). Benson Yukongdi (2005) note that some organizations avail little in the way of family friendly policies or child care that would assist women professionals to deal with the role conflict arising from engagement with family related responsibilities as they perform organizational roles. According to Kusk et al (2007), â€Å"†¦explicit admittance of a belief in gender differences serve as a mechanism to sustain the status quo of the gender order by affirming current inequalities and prejudices as a natural difference† (p. 111). Women traditionally are perceived to be more oriented toward undertaking family responsibilities than engaging in paid labour. Where women engage in paid work, they nevertheless undertake major domestic responsibilities in addition to their organizational responsibilities. In many instances, as noted by Benson Yukongdi (2005), the gender-based division of family responsibilities and domestic work leaves women with few choices but to downsize their professional ambitions to fit with their family demands. In addition, some growth mind-sets have been found to influence girls into believing that they are not as good as boys in science and technology-oriented fields, and that men are more appropriate to venture into scientific careers than are women (Jones, 2010). Consequently, when girls and women take a stand that they only have a fixed amount of knowledge that is undesirable in scientific careers, they are more likely to believ e in the stereotype, lose confidence and self-belief, and eventually disengage from science, engineering and technology-oriented disciplines. This implies that women career trajectories in the mentioned disciplines become misplaced early in life due to the stereotype (Gillard et al, 2008; Schreuders et al, 2009). Inflexible and unfavourable organizational environment, reinforced by strategies and policies that are unfavourable to the progression of women in engineering and technology fields, have been blamed by leading scholars and practitioners as one of the foremost barriers to gendered occupational equality in these fields (Franzway et al, 2009). Indeed, Kusk et al (2007) observe that some of the best women telecommunication engineers are opting to retire early and set up their own businesses because they can create the type of environment that is free of unfavourable organizational policies and working environment. Encouraging Retaining Women in Technology Fields While it is cl ear that some of the issues and challenges contributing to gendered occupational segregation in technology-oriented firms represent the unique situation in a particular country, various studies have concluded that, in most cases, the problems and challenges are more universal in nature and scope (Benson Yukongdi, 2005). This implies that the solutions to the gender inequalities can also assume universal dimensions. Upon undertaking a comprehensive review of extant literature on continued occupational segregation of women in engineering and technology fields, Kusk et al (2007) noted that â€Å"†¦encouragement from family, friends, teachers and advisors is pivotal both in choosing and succeeding in engineering education† (p. 111). Blattel-Mink (2002) cited in Kusk et al (2007) posited that â€Å"†¦true gender equality requires both that those individual women in scientific subjects should have strong career orientation and that structural, institutional and cultural environs should become more welcoming towards women† (p. 111). Benson Yukongdi (2005) posit that increased access to educational opportunities for women, particularly in tertiary-level course, could deal a major blow to gendered occupational segregation in technology-oriented fields. Organizations and countries need to pass legislation that will minimize gendered occupational segregation in technology-oriented field as â€Å"†¦legislative reform constitutes an important component of any strategy to achieve equality in employment† (p. 289). According to these authors, legislation can be instrumental in setting up a community standard, not mentioning that it can serve to demonstrate acceptable behaviour. However, legislation cannot avail a swift remedy to the embedded gender equality segregation in technology-oriented fields, and can lead to manifold informal strategies to outwit the intent of such legislation. Countries also need to pass legislation that would all ow the girl child to have access to technology in elementary schools with a view to downgrade or diminish the gendered stereotype that a career in technology is only meant for men. According to Hafkin Huyer (2007), â€Å"†¦ICTs impact men and women differentially, and in almost all cases, women have many disadvantages that result in their having less access to technology and therefore less use of it† (p. 26). Etzkowitz et al (2010) observe that the access to technology in many countries across the world has allowed women to enhance their economic conditions, progress politically and widen participation in science and technology-oriented occupations for future generations. Benson Yukongdi (2005) are of the opinion that increased marketization of childcare and domestic work could assist women to achieve equal employment opportunities in technology-related sectors by neutralizing the division of domestic labour and the role expectations placed on women. Increasing the ran ge of governmental and organizational support mechanisms through marketization of these services will go a long way to assist women institute a more focused and equitable balance between work roles and family responsibilities. This notwithstanding, the role conflict experienced by women as they attempt to balance their domestic responsibilities and organizational roles will only be assuaged when more substantial social, cultural and attitudinal change transpires within society (Benson Yukongdi, 2005; Deem, 2007; Schreuders et al, 2009). Coping skills and strategies should be taught in institutions of higher learning to make girls understand the barriers and limitations that women in engineering and technology-oriented curricula face and the coping strategies known to be effective in these environments (Morganson et al 2010). These researchers posit that â€Å"†¦coping is a transportable skill that can continue to assist girls and women in overcoming barriers as they move forw ard in their careers† (p. 170). It is important to note that men and women cope in different ways; while men tend to cope by attempting to either alter the stressor (problem-focused coping) or ignore it totally (avoidant coping), women, in contrast, engage in social support coping. Consequently, women must rely on others in the work environment not only for emotional support but as a way to deal with work or family related challenges and seek assistance from others to overcome the stressors (Morganson et al, 2010; Schreuders et al, 2009). Lack of adequate social support coping mechanisms in technology-oriented organizations, therefore, may translate into recruitment of fewer women and higher turnover of women. Conclusion From the analysis it is clear that despite spirited attempts by governments and organizations to achieve equal gender representation in engineering and technology-oriented fields, the problem is far from over. In countries which have achieved tangible outcomes in narrowing down the gap, â€Å"†¦the steady increase in participation of women in science is marred by the tendency of fields to lower in status as women achieve equality of representation, and by continued resistance to women reaching positions of authority† (Etzkowitz et al, 2010 p. 83). Consequently, these negative progressions must be reversed if women are to enjoy the economic and social gains that are attached to the highly prestigious fields of science, engineering and technology. Collecting and analyzing data on why women fail to, make a tangible impact in these fields is a necessary prerequisite to achieving more gendered occupation equality in the industry. As noted in a report by the United Nations Development Programme cited in Hafkin Huyer (2007), â€Å"†¦without data, there is no visibility; without visibility, there is no priority† (p. 26). It is this understanding that provides the impetus for the next section, which aims to collect data t o analyze why there are few women employees in the telecommunications sector in Europe and Middle East. Summary of Conceptual Frame Work From the analysis and statistics, carried out in various regions globally, it is evident that careers which comprise of; technology, engineering, computer science, mathematics, physics, telecommunication and ICT, have little or no women in them. This is because of the gender disparity that is exorbitant in diverse societies globally (Baron 2010, p.203). Whereby, the believes in these societies, define different careers in terms of being feminine or masculine. This has affected women in making career choices, where most of the women find it odd to choose careers that are more masculine in the society than they are feminine. Moreover, even when women take technical occupations, the job market prejudices them because it prefers men to do masculine occupations. Organisational policies that do not encourage women on technical careers have watered down e fforts to eliminate gender segregation in occupations (Schreuders 2009, p103). Meritocracy, which is a strategy developed to eliminate occupational gender segregation, has also failed due to this same prejudice in the job market. The pipeline theory, established to maximize and increase the number of women in masculine occupation, also failed since women who acted in reaction to this theory, did not take masculine and technological occupations (schreuders 2009, p110) On the other hand, unusually many societies globally have painted technical courses masculine. However, despite this, most men have shown a lot of unfading interest in these courses. This has raised a real, crucial question why it is so. Various sociological researchers have answered this critical intriguing question. First, the greatest fear of a man is to become a failure, and for man to overcome this fear he has to find something that is sufficient so as to overcome this fear. Hence or otherwise, most men go for tech nical courses because they are more prestigious in the society and moreover because the job market is remarkably open and diverse for technical course (Franzway 2009, p96). In addition to that, there’s an enormous guarantee that technical courses offer jobs to men. All in all, men have majorly many family responsibilities in life, and so it is necessary for a man to take a course that will guarantee the security of his family sufficiently. However, this is not enough reason for occupational gender segregation in technical courses. Lastly, occupational gender segregation can be eliminated with time if the systems of various organisations and associations globally can be changed to be more feminine friendly in relation to technical careers (Franzway 2009, p103) References Baron, J.D., Cobb-Clark, D.A (2010). Occupational Segregation and the Gender Wage Gap in Private- and Public-Sector Employment: A Distributional Analysis. Economic Record, 86 (273), pp. 227-246. Benson, J., Yukongdi, V (2005). Asian Women Managers: Participation, Barriers and Future Prospects. Asian Pacific Business Review, 11 (2), pp. 283-291. Bhatia, S., Amati, J (2010). ‘If these Women can do it, I can do it, Too’: Building Women Engineering Leaders through Graduate Peer Mentoring. Leadership Management in Engineering, 10 (4), pp. 174-184. Blau, F.D., Kahn, L.M (2007). The Gender Pay Gap: Have Women gone as Far as they Can? Academy of Management Perspectives, 11 (2), pp. 283-291. Bystydzienski, J.M (2004). (Re)Gendering Science Fields: Transforming Academic Science and Engineering. NWSA Journal, 16 (1), pp. 8-12. Castilla, E.J., Bernard, S (2010). The Paradox of Meritocracy in Organizations. Administrative Science Quarterly, 55 (4), pp. 543-576. Coder, L., Rosenbloom, J.L., Ash, R.A., DuPont, B.R (2009). Economic and Business Dimensions: Increasing Gender Diversity in the IT Workforce. Communications of the ACM, 52 (5), pp. 25-27. Deem, R (2007). Managing a Meritoc racy or an Equitable Organization? Senior Managers’ and Employees’ Views about Equal Opportunities Policies in UK Universities. Journal of Education Policy, 22 (6), pp. 615-636. Etzkowitz, H., Gupta, N., Kamelgor, C (2010). The Gender Revolution in Science and Technology. Journal of International Affairs, 64 (1), pp. 83-100. Franzway, S., Sharp, R., Mills, J.E., Gill, J (2009). Engineering Ignorance. Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, 30 (1), pp. 89-106. Gillard, H., Howcroft, D., Mitev, N., Richardson, H (2008). â€Å"Missing Women†: Gender, ICTs, and the Shaping of the Global Economy. Information Technology for Development, 14 (4), pp. 262-279. Hafkin, N.J., Huyer, S (2007). Women and Gender in ICT Statistics and Indicators for Development. Information Technologies International Development, 4 (2), pp. 25-41. Hatchell, H., Aveling, N (2008). Those same Old Prejudices? Gendered Experiences in the Science Workplace. Journal of Workplace Rights, 13 (4), pp. 355-375. Huffman, M.L., Cohen, P.N., Pearlman, J (2010). Engendering Change: Organizational Dynamics and Workplace Gender Desegregation, 1975-2005. Administrative Science Quarterly, 55 (2), pp. 255-277. Jones, J (2010). Closing the Gender Gap. Civil Engineering, 80 (7), pp. 60-63. Kotsilieri, F., Marshall, J (2004). Hellenic Women Managers in the Telecommunications Sector: Living in Transition. New Technology, Work Employment, 19 (3), pp. 177-191. Kusk, F., Ozbilgin, M., Ozkale, L (2007). Against the Tide: Gendered Prejudice and Disadvantage in Engineering. Gender, Work Organization, 14 (2), pp. 109-129. Morganson, V.J., Jones, M.P., Major, D.A (2010). Understanding Women’s Underrepresentation in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics: The Role of Social Coping. Career Development Quarterly, 59 (2), pp. 169-179. Oswald, D.L (2008). Gender Stereotypes and Women’s Reports of Liking and Ability in Traditionally Masculine and Feminine Occupations. Psy chology of Women Quarterly, 32 (2), pp. 196-203. Sappleton, N., Takrui-Rick, H (2008). The Gender Subtext of Science, Engineering, and Technology (SET) Organizations: A Review and Critique. Women’s Studies, 37 (3), 284-316. Schreuders, P. D., Mannon, S.E., Rutherford, B (2009). Pipeline or Personal Preference: Women in Engineering. European Journal of Engineering Education, 34 (1), pp. 97-112. Schweitzer, L., Ng, E., Lyons, S., Kuron, L (2011). Exploring the Career Pipeline: Gender Differences in Pre-Career Expectations. Industrial Relations, 66 (3), pp. 422-444. This dissertation on Women in Technology Fields was written and submitted by user Diamond Bishop to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Reasons Why You Should Use a PDF File For Your Essay

Reasons Why You Should Use a PDF File For Your EssayA justification essay is something that is very often asked by a student to add to their degree. It is also a simple tool that can be used in all of the writing assignments that are sent to you as part of your course. As well as being something that you need to use, it is also something that you should be able to create on your own. This means that you can create your own justification essay PDF using the help of a number of other materials that are available.There are a number of guides that can be used in order to create a good justification essay. If you are looking to create one that will be used on a more regular basis, you can buy one of these online or in bookstores. If you are going to be submitting an essay for a particular course then you can purchase one of these as a download for free.The first step in creating a PDF is to find the word that you are going to be using for your sample. This can either be a word that you ha ve created yourself or one that you have bought from the internet. Once you have found the word that you are using, then you need to decide what layout you are going to be using. This can either be using regular paper and some sort of formatting software or you can use Microsoft Word for example.The next step is to find a template that you can use for the essay. You can either download this template or you can make one yourself. Most of the websites on the internet are going to be able to help you with making your own.Once you have downloaded your template, you need to begin adding the information that you would like to have included in your essay. You can start writing the main sections, but you will also want to include supporting information within these sections.While you are creating the supporting information within your document, you should also make sure that you include any fact checking tips that you might be aware of. As well as this, you should also make sure that you ge t the correct format.The final step in creating a PDF is to include any technical support that you might need. You should include any information about your course and any bookmarks that you have taken. All of these are things that you should be aware of before you submit your document.These are only a few of the steps that you need to take in order to ensure that you make the most of the fact that you need to cover in your document. As well as this, if you can use a computer program to help you, then this will help to save you time in completing the different steps of the process.

The Discrimination Against Women Employees in the Telecommunication Industry

The Discrimination Against Women Employees in the Telecommunication Industry Aims of the Dissertation This dissertation will aim at investigating how women are impacted negatively as a result of employment discrimination in the telecommunication industry in Europe and Middle East. Discrimination in this sense means that there are fewer women than men working in the telecommunication industry in Europe and Middle East.Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on The Discrimination Against Women Employees in the Telecommunication Industry specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In investigating this matter, the dissertation will answer the question of whether the discrimination against women employees in the telecommunication industry is justified or unjustified. The dissertation will examine whether discrimination against women working in the industry has a negative impact on them. This research will endeavor to answer the following research questions: Why do telecommunication businesses discriminate again st women employees in Europe and Middle East? What mechanisms should be put in place to increase the ratio of women to men working in the telecommunication industry in Europe and Middle East? Methodology The data to be collected in this research is first hand information from women working in the telecommunication industry. The women will give their views and experiences regarding employee discrimination against women in the industry. In collecting the data, the research will consider reviewing secondary sources of information such as government studies. This will provide the researcher with information about any research that has been done by the government in an attempt to get information regarding the telecommunication industry. The kind of research methodology to be used is determined by the nature of the research being conducted. Quantitative research methodology is used when measuring variables or trying to test existing theories and establishing their validity (nsf, n.d). Th e collected data is used to formulate new hypothesis on the basis of new evidence. On the other hand, qualitative research is more applicable in understanding meanings, experiences and beliefs about a particular subject. The methodology that this research will heavily rely on in data collection is qualitative data collection because it is varied and provides information in its entirety as long as it is not statistical or numeric. The first qualitative data collection method to be used is conducting interviews. Since the aim of the research is to investigate the negative impact on women arising from their discrimination in telecommunication in Middle East and Europe, it will be crucial to interview a sample of women working in telecommunication industry. This will give first hand information which is the perspective of the women themselves regarding the subject.Advertising Looking for assessment on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 1 5% OFF Learn More An interview will be an effective methodology of collecting information since it first establishes a close relationship between the interviewer and the interviewees. Through interviews, it will also be easy to make follow up when looking for finer details of any interesting piece of information. Sampling is the random picking of a group of people to provide information on a particular subject. The countries from which the samples will be taken include Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Egypt, and Lebanon. The sample will include wide range of women including employees of operators, vendors and intermediaries. The technique to be used in the research to identify the sample is picking women who have worked in the industry for at least two years. Interview is an effective way of answering the research questions because definitely, from the interviews reasons of why employers discriminate against women in the industry will be given. Through the interviews, women wil l also be capable of suggesting ways through which they feel that their ratio in the industry can be increased. There are two types of interviews to be used. The first type of interview is a structured interview where a questionnaire is given out to the respondents to fill out the information .The other type of an interview is referred to as in-depth interview which does not involve any rigid questions to be answered. The study will use the structured questionnaire to get answers for some specific questions in order to get uniform results from several respondents. In-depth guided interviews on the other hand will give the respondents a chance to answer questions freely and hold discussions. For the sake of collecting ample information, the research will conduct individual interviews several times. The choice of qualitative data collection as the methodology to be used is backed by the fact that qualitative research has the capacity of providing detailed information regarding the way a group of people experiences an issue that is being researched. This type of methodology presents the human part of an issue such as the beliefs, opinions or even the expectations of different people.Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on The Discrimination Against Women Employees in the Telecommunication Industry specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The methodology fits in well with the aim of the research of identifying the negative impacts on women of denying them a chance to lead in the telecommunication industry. Women’s being denied leadership opportunities in the telecommunication industry is a sensitive issue that would require closeness in trying to understand the negative side of the matter to them. Such closeness with the respondents in collecting information can only be achieved by using qualitative methods such interviews. Observation at times will also be applicable because in discussing with the w omen, it will also be possible to observe their reactions and emotions. Data analysis is a crucial part towards completion of a study. In this research, data analysis will involve carefully looking at the results from the interviews conducted. From the data provided by the interviewees, the researcher will try to identify the reasons behind discrimination against women employees in telecommunication industry. The analysis will involve identifying some of the ways suggested by interviewees of eliminating the discrimination. In the analysis, the practicality of the research outcomes in solving the real problems in the field will also be evaluated. It is common for research undertakings to present challenges and this research is no exception. The first challenge that might surface is that some of the interviewees may be biased and provide information which is not reliable. This may be as a result of personal dispositions or general unwillingness among some interviewees to participate i n the interviews. Another challenge is the financial cost of the research. Although the initial budget has been factored, additional cost may spring up while the research is in progress and this will be a challenge for the researcher Feasibility A successful and comprehensive dissertation requires the researcher to be determined and committed (White, 2004). There are some resources such as books and funding for travel among others that a researcher should ensure are in place before the actual data collection begins. This necessitates a feasibility study to determine whether all the necessary resources for the research are available (White, 2003).Advertising Looking for assessment on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The research will use both primary and secondary sources of information. Secondary sources will include books, journals and internet sources while primary data is new information that will be collected from the field. The required resources such as academic texts are available in the online library and other public libraries I have identified. In addition, a trial with a subset of the prospective interviewees has already been conducted and their response is positive towards facilitating the research. The researchers’ employer is understanding and has granted full permission for the research to be conducted. The employer has permitted the researcher to interview the samples during specific working hours. He has also allowed the samples to talk to the researcher during some agreed hours. Travel outside the country is also anticipated hence the travelling cost and permission have been sought. How the Research Fits Existing Published Work Different researchers have conducted vari ous studies focusing on women in the telecommunication industry and how they are either discriminated in some various countries. For example, in 1995, the South African government enacted a policy aimed at providing access to information to all South Africans. According to Schreiner (2011), Bamshela which is a rural town in South Africa is selected to receive the services of a telecenter. It is one of the most underdeveloped regions in South Africa where infrastructure and communication facilities are hard to get. This study is important to the current study because by looking at a case in Africa, this can be used as an example in understanding employment discrimination against women in telecommunications in Europe and Middle East. Women in Bamshela are unfortunate and spend most of their lives in subsistence farming with only a few of them securing positions in the telecommunication industry. Schreiner discovers that there is employment discrimination against women at the telecente r. The study further analyzes the effects of discriminating against women as employees in telecommunication industry (Schreiner, 2011). From Schreiner’s study it was evident that women employed at the telecenter were not less productive than men. This research was conducted using surveys in these regions to collect the information. Secondly, women are discriminated against in telecommunication industry on the basis of race and gender (Robinson Peoples, 1996). Men are given privileges while discriminating against women by denying them a similar chance to work in the industry. Robinson and Peoples (1996) revealed this in their study leading to actions being taken to rectify the disparity. Eventually, the players in the industry started according women positions within the industry. The findings of this research are important in this research because they will give a chance to make comparison. Apart from Europe and Middle East, women discrimination in telecommunication is preva lent in other parts of the world. This will make it easy to approach the case of Middle East and Europe from an informed point of view from the studies in Africa and elsewhere. According to Gordon (1976), there are positive implications of giving women a chance to work in the telecommunication industry. There are numerous challenges that employed people have to contend with to get to their places of work. At times there are transportation problems hence the employees have to plan their time wisely. The challenge becomes more pronounced for women who have to manage their families and their work. Women who have young children encounter problems because the children require their attention. This study is relevant in this research as it highlights how some of these problems can be solved through telecommunication. Women should be given a chance to work in the telecommunication industry since consideration for them to work from home is a possibility. Unless this happens women will contin ue to be less productive (Gordon, 1976). Reasons for Choice of This Topic The first and most important thing that should be done before a researcher decides to research on a dissertation is to identify the topic (ESC, n.d). The principal reason behind the choice of this topic is my interest in it. Apart from the obvious reasons of doing research to earn academic credentials, conducting research on a particular topic is important in making changes to various sectors (Michael, 2011). The choice of the topic of this research is informed by the fact that there has been discrimination against women in the telecommunication industry in Europe and the Middle East. The research conducted during this dissertation will be important to my firm as it can be used to come up with strategies of increasing the ratio of women to men employed in the telecommunication industry. Insights from the research may inspire other firms to take initiatives that will ensure that women secure more employment pos itions in telecommunication industry as it is one of the fastest growing sectors in Europe and Middle East. Milestone Description Due date Remarks 1 Stage 1: Area of interest identified August 03,2011 Completed 2 Stage 2: Specific topic selected August 10,2011 Completed 3 Stage 3: Topic refined to develop dissertation proposal August 17,2011 Completed 4 Stage 4: Proposal written and submitted Sep 14 2011 Completed 5 Stage 5: Collection of data and information October 31 2011 6 Stage 6: Analysis and interpretation of collected data/information Nov 30 2011 7 Stage 7: Writing up Jan 31 2012 8 Stage 8: Final draft prepared – submission of dissertation Feb 15 2011 9 Final Deadline – nine months from classroom date. References Delmon. (n.d). Telecommunication. Web. ESC. (n.d). Developing a Research Question. Web. Michael, D. (2011). Qualitative Research in Information Systems. Web. Sweetman, C. (2000). Gender and technology. New York: Gender and technology. White, B. (2003). Dissertation Skills for Business and Management Students. London: Cengage Learning. White, B. (2002). Writing your MBA Dissertation.london: Cengage Learning. Gordon, F. (1976). Telecommunications:Implications for Women. Original Research , 68-74. Robinson, R., Peoples, J. (1996). Market Structure, Racial and Gender Discrimination. American Journal of Econoics and Sociology , 309-325. Schreiner, H. (2011). Rural Women, Development and Telecommunications: A pilot Programme in South Africa. Web. nsf. (n.d). Overview of Qualitative Methods. Web. Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. New York: Sage.

Sexuality and Breast Cancer Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Sexuality and Breast Cancer - Assignment Example Particularly among women more than 50 years of age, breast cancer is one of the major causes of deaths throughout the United Kingdom. Each year, approximately more than 10,000 or 26 out of 100,000 women die due to untreated breast cancer (Office for National Statistics, 2011b). Several studies revealed that there is a close link between sexuality and breast cancer in the sense that most women who has been diagnosed or has received breast cancer treatment experience a decreased sexual performance due to the psychological impact of body image disturbances (Fobair & Spiegel, 2009; Sheppard & Ely, 2008; Burwell et al., 2006; Fobair et al., 2006; Pelusi, 2006). The focus of this annotated bibliography is to examine and identify the link between sexuality and breast cancer. Aside from determining strategic ways that will enable specialist breast care nurses deliver a holistic care to the patients, information gathered in this study will be useful in terms of educating men and women about the psychological impact of having breast cancer on sexuality. This article increases the readers’ knowledge with regards to effective ways in controlling symptoms related to breast cancer treatment. It also emphasized the importance of increasing the nurses’ knowledge concerning the physiological and psychological impact of breast cancer. Aside from considering the cultural background of each patient when treating breast cancer, the author explained how the use of chemotherapy, hormonal therapy, radiation therapy, and mastectomy could create negative effects in patients’ sexual responses, sexual relationship with their partners and disturbance in body image. The author conducted a literature review as a way of examining the impact of breast cancer and breast cancer treatments on body image, sexual roles and relationships, and cultural differences of each patient. In general, qualitative approach in research design examines the relationship between the nature of the subject being examined in its natural setting (Maykut & Mor ehouse, 1994, p. 68). Through the use of this approach in research design, the researcher can freely describe and interpret the personal opinion of the research respondents with regards to the research questions (Patton, 2002). However, information gathered from pure qualitative research study is highly dependent on the researcher’s analysis and interpretation. Therefore, it would have been better in case the author decided to combine the use of qualitative with quantitative approach in research study design. Aside from the negative psychological impact of mastectomy, aging could make women unhappy about their physical appearance. Therefore, health teaching should be a part of the nurses’ responsibility when delivering holistic care to the patients. To encourage the patients’ partner in giving emotional support to the patient, nurses should communicate and educate the patients’ partner that the side effects of cancer therapies includes hormonal changes, s leep and appetite disturbances, fatigue, nausea and vomiting, malaise, and apathy. In response to

Topical Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Topical - Research Paper Example Food security involves a situation whereby all human beings have physical and economic access to enough, safe and nutritious food that can meet their dietary needs and food preference for an active and healthy life. Decision makers, policy makers as well as concerned members of the public have widely discussed issues on how much food the world is growing or is able to grow and whether the production of food involves sustainable management of natural resources. In addition, they have also been discussing how food is distributed at the global, regional, national, and household levels. All these concerns have been crucial in achieving concerted efforts and the international commitment of organizations concerned with world food production such as food and agricultural organization (FAO) (Nicholson, 2009, p14). Emerging acknowledgement of other food problems has placed the concerns of the food system in a much broader context. The concerns include human health closely tied to food safety and the growing cases of nutrition related illnesses such as heart diseases; the commercialization and industrialization of food and agriculture; the emergence of advanced technologies with eminent positive and negative economic and environmental impacts; the emergence of transnational organizations in international food markets; rising concentration in food production, processing, and retail and armed conflicts (McMicheal, 1994, p20). There are environmental challenges facing the global food system. These challenges include climate change, the extortion of natural resources, salinity, increased amount of pesticides, GMO concerns, and biodiversity challenged closely linked to monocropping. Each of these challenges does not cross modern borders, hence making the study of the food system itself a valuable and important experience (McMicheal, 1994, p20). The food challenges being experienced in the world now are both diverse and complex.

The Theology of Pastoral Counseling Essay Example for Free

The Theology of Pastoral Counseling Essay The present paper dwells on the theology of being a pastoral helping presence. It articulates the theological stance in pastoral counseling that can also be defined as spiritual/soul counseling in the contemporary setting. The point of view chosen is the one of the person who is a helping professional. The paper traces the patterns in which counseling and theology are enmeshed in the process of conducting pastoral help: to be precise, the concept of counseling, the specifics of pastoral counseling, the place of religion in conducting and receiving pastoral counseling, the dichotomy of body and soul, spirituality, the processes that structure human perception in regard of counseling needs, and. For the goals of the paper it is important to define the basic concept of pastoral counseling. One may think that the process takes place in a church or some other religious environment exclusively. Judging from the examples of modernity, though, such point of view is hardly correct. As one may see, religion stopped being chained solely to the church as the place where sermons are served and other religious ceremonies are conducted. Once Ross stated that pastoral counseling â€Å"helps each person tell their story in a faith context as well as within their personal context. † It means that the issues of religious faith and helping presence are important in any environment, be it the church, the clinic or home. To add, there is no suppression of the personal mode and value in the pastoral helping process; the specific issue of a person being counseled is integrated into the rich theological system. By theology the research often means the narrow discipline of religious thought. Such a restriction prevents counseling (especially pastoral counseling) to develop in full splendor. One of the arguments against the narrowing of â€Å"theology†-concept is tolerance. Pastoral helping is of high value for both the believers and non-believers in terms of Christian or other faith. The situation of conflict (death, the change of state, loss, disruptive emotions or actions, etc. ) is the common reason for a human being to seek help and clinical or pastoral counseling. Non-pastoral counseling enables a person to look for the conflict resolution but the effect may be unstable and incomplete; meanwhile, pastoral presence makes a person to understand the chain of spirituality and the integrity of existence. If to recall Jonah in the belly of the fish, non-pastoral counseling is the process of Jonah’s salvation from the perilous situation, whereas pastoral counseling makes a human being in crisis open-eyed to the Revelation. Ross after Abram called the pastoral counseling an arena or a ‘transitional space’ in which some revelatory understanding of experience can be developed. The revelation or discovery of God is better structured in the process of pastoral counseling because it comprises moral, ethical and metaphysical elements of a universal theological system and the necessities of everyday human life. The aforesaid necessities visibly echo to the religious concepts such as the one of Holy Trinity, the Exodus, the actions of Prophets and Saints. The essence of pastoral helping, thus, is the one of relationship, revelation and hope. It is interesting to research here the essence of helping and problem solving provided in pastoral counseling in comparison to psychotherapeutic counseling and physical care. According to Ross, pastoral counseling is a relationship in which a person agrees to explore issues of meaning and being, helped by another, drawing on psychological and spiritual insights informed by a tradition shaped within a community of faith. The mentioning of psychological and spiritual insights drives the researcher to recall about psychology and psychiatry with their concept apparatus. These sciences aim at mental healing in the similar was as medicine aims at physical healing. The comparison of psychology, medical care and pastoral counseling makes one think that mind and body are traditionally seen as separate realms of a human being of unequal value. The understanding of soul is even more deemed. Most people see the soul as something opposite to the body or inferior to it. Plato stressed the eternal nature of soul that had been created prior to body; the body was mortal, whereas the soul could not die. In the Old Testament, meanwhile, people are referred to as living souls. The concept of soul means a lot for pastoral counseling as it was proved in the brilliant article by Malony who suggested an extensive discourse on the questions of the soul/spirituality/soulness/soulishness element in counseling. Malony criticized both the rational/emotive approach (Albert Ellis, 1965, 1980) and the nouthetic approach (Jay Adams, 1970, 1979) to counseling in regard to the spiritual filler. The former treats a human being as the physically-oriented creature whose primary task is to adjust to environment. The latter approach emphasizes the salvation of soul in religion as the primary task for a human being. Malony proposed a monistic approach or nonreductive physicalism in order to treat human beings as body/soul unities or entities. Such a dichotomous integrity of flesh and soul in a life was perfectly worded in the famous saying from John 1:14, â€Å"And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us. † One may assume that there is no rigid boundary between physical and spiritual worlds which are interconnected. In the post-modern environment the genuinely theological quest for the human soul was inherited by psychology with its concepts of mental processes, ego, emotional and cognitive drivers. This theological-psychological relay does not imply complete identity. Whereas theological perspective used to find love, the psychological one means libido. In other words, whereas psychotherapeutic science concentrates on the stimuli or causes for disruptive mental processes, on symptomatic analysis and the structure of mental reactions, theological counseling seems to be more â€Å"interested [†¦] in correcting causes† of human conflicts. And pastoral counsels sincerely believe that the human soul may be tortured with pain and desperation in the same way as the human body may be tortured with cancer. It is the soul which is aided in pastoral counseling. James (1985) assumed that there are four cognitive/perceptual processes that strengthen soul in the process of establishing spiritual integrity and managing conflicts and grieves according to divine laws. He spoke of insights, understandings, feelings, and actions which seem to be brain functions. But Malony noticed that the aforesaid processes are enriched with new meaning when they focus on â€Å"transempirical reality. † In the process of pastoral counseling the current and daily issues of a person in need are reframed against the eternal spiritual and theological perspective. A person is guided to the understanding that â€Å"we are not alone, since the creation points to one who is beyond us so that the ‘why’ question becomes the ‘who’ question. † John Patton (1990) shrewdly stated that pastoral counseling â€Å"involves assisting persons to move from talking generally about themselves and specifically about their problems to talking specifically about themselves and generally about their problems. † Malony, Ross and Patton similarly emphasized the value of theological perspective that made pastoral counseling a powerful media to guide living souls through unstable situations and problematic issues. Like psychotherapeutic or clinical counseling, the pastoral one has the aim of helping the person to fit into the environment in the healthy and authentic way. Any counseling means â€Å"personal healing and social involvement;† it develops diagnosis of the problem into a new process of active self-rediscovering, which is â€Å"a healing endeavor based on active listening and the giving of counsel. † But pastoral counseling has a more valuable effect on a person due to its theological underlining. It helps a person to rediscover and straighten his/her spirituality instead of momentous fixing of a problem with all the spiritual gains and revelations sinking into oblivion the other day. To put it in a nut-shell, the pastoral helping encompasses several systems of knowledge and action including psychology, therapeutic care, communication as well as theological perspective. Though pastoral counseling activates the same brain functions as psychotherapy does – e. g. , insights, understandings, feelings, and actions pastoral counseling seems to be better organized than counseling per se from the transempirical point of view. The pastoral helping reminds people of the higher sense and meaning in life which is not just the implementation of mechanistic and materialistic rules. The relations between the participants of the counseling process are holistic in sense that the recipient of counseling is no less valuable and worth to exist than the pastoral counselor. The latter is always kept on guard by the warning given to Ezra, â€Å"You are not a better judge than God, or more intelligent than the Most High! † It is no surprise that Donald Capps (1981) named counseling â€Å"the activity of God. † The person being counseled analyzes the specific processes of his/her specific life and, simultaneously, he/she is helped to view his/her particularities from the eternal, longitudinal, divine perspective. Works Cited The Complete Bible: An American Translation, trans. J. M. Powis Smith and Edgar J. Goodspeed [book on-line] (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939, accessed 10 February 2006), 26; available from Questia, http://www.questia. com/PM. qst? a=od=82397656; Internet. Lyall, David. â€Å"Pastoral Counselling In a Postmodern Context. † In Clinical Counselling in Pastoral Settings, edited by Gordon Lynch, 7-21. London: Routledge, 1999. Malony, H. Newton. â€Å"Counseling Body/Soul Persons. † International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 8. 4 (1998): 221-242. Ross, Alistair. â€Å"The Place of Religious Tradition in Pastoral Counselling. † In Clinical Counselling in Pastoral Settings, edited by Gordon Lynch, 37-50. London: Routledge, 1999.

Comparing William Shakespeares Sonnet 18 and Sonnet 130 :: Compare Contrast Comparison

Sonnet 18 and Sonnet 130, by William Shakespeare, are two of the most well known Shakespeare sonnets. Both are similar in theme, however, the two poems are very much contradictory in style, purpose, and the muse to who Shakespeare is writing. Both Sonnets have different styles. Sonnet 18 is a much more traditional poem, showing the reader a picture of his muse in the most divine way. Shakespeare uses a complex metaphor of comparing his subject to the summer, but at the same time making it easy to understand. The poet goes as traditional as possible; his friend surpasses the beauty of summer, as summer will fade and turn to winter. Sonnet 130 is just as easy to understand as the former. The use of straightforward comparisons that go from line to line, instead of one metaphor elaborated through the entire poem, makes this sonnet quite different in style. Sonnet 130, in contradiction to Sonnet 18, purposefully branches off from the traditional romantic love poem for he does not describe the subject as a true beauty but as his true love.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The two poems do seem to have a similar theme; both are focused around describing the poet’s muse. However, Sonnet 18 is not about love at all—Shakespeare makes no reference to love in the poem; he is merely describing how beautiful this individual is. Sonnet 130, on the other hand, is a true love poem, making direct mention to it in the couplet: â€Å"And yet, by heaven, I think my love as rare / As any she belied with false compare.† Surprisingly enough, Sonnet 18 shows more the love Shakespeare has for himself and his writing ability. In the last three lines: â€Å"When in eternal lines to time thou growest: / So long as men can breathe or eyes can see, / So long lives this and this gives life to thee.† he is basically saying that in his eternal verse his muse will forever live. And although the couplet is sweet, a different approach to its meaning would be: â€Å"As long as people can read, they will read my poetry!† Sonnets were created to show-off a poet’s skill and not their love—in Sonnet 18 it is most apparent.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The sonnets are similar in that the subject who which Shakespeare is writing is very dear to him. The most over looked difference, however, is who the subject actually is.